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Advertising And Public Relations / Political Parties Branding (FREE TWO ESSAYS-1ST STANDARD&2.1)


uk business writer  3 | -  
Aug 14, 2010 | #1
Two students decided to scam. I wrote two essays for them and below is the email from their tutor and the two essays(same subject)

From: <willis.gates>
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To:
tom.academichelp2005

Hello Tom
The first Essay 1st standard. Student passed.
Second Essay 2.1
So they cheated?. Please call me via my phone i passed on to you.
Thank You
Willis
FIRST ESSAY(1st standard)

Is Advertising And Public Relations Enough To Re-Launch A Political Party? : A Focus On UK's Conservative Party



By
lisa.....
word count :4802
Executive Summary

The purpose of this essay is threefold. Firstly, it examines streams of literature informing marketing, advertisement and public relations. Secondly, branding as a concept is examined throughout the essay and special attention is given to political branding within the wider political marketing discipline. The essay then narrows its focus to the UK's Conservative Party, a party that has been trying to rejuvenate itself, and addresses the possibility of advertisement and public relations exercises being enough to re-launch a political brand.

Upon examination of available literature, it becomes evident that whilst the two marketing efforts are important in re-launching a political brand, they cannot fully help in re-launching a political brand especially when there is no commitment from party members.

Table of Contents

Content Page

Introduction............................................................... ...........................4
Advertising and Public Relations: A General Perspective...................................6
Political Parties Branding................................................................... ......10
A Brief Overview of the Conservative Party ................................................14
Re-Launching The Party: Can Advertisement And Public Relations Help?.............15
Conclusion................................................................. ..........................20
References ........................................................................... ...............21

Introduction

Marketing literature unanimously agree that effective conceptualisation, constitution and execution of advertisement and public relations exercises by any profit or non profit organisation must effectively be aligned with the expectations, desires and values of the target audience. This not only applies in the spheres of the 'traditional marketing' commercial arenas (de Chernatony) but also in the more volatile, socially driven world of political marketing. Although, political marketing, viewed from the narrowed viewpoint of advocacy, lobbying , policy formulations and subjection of political advocacy to marketing concepts , is a relatively young field of research enquiry, several scholars have began perceiving UK's political parties as social-economic products, or even brands (Schneider, 2002) that require constant evaluation, renovation and repackaging if they are to remain relevant to the target audience- the electorate.(O'Shaughnessy, 1990) . As promising, support-seeking products of social and economic beliefs, values and ethics, and as brands requiring constant evaluation and assessment, political parties, in UK or elsewhere, must constantly audit their socio-political status against the general feelings of the citizenly( Lees-Marshment, 2001) if they are to succeed in not only achieving their vast objectives but also in ensuring that their policies and aspirations rhyme with the expectations of their would-be or existing supporters( Lees-Marshment, 2001) . It'd appear that UK's political parties have embraced strategic political marketing as a way of winning support. Lees-Marshment, (2001) reports that political marketing has taken a new, forceful approach, with key strategists ensuring that the parties' policies are in tune with the prevailing 'conditions' in 'the market place'. The web site <flowtv.org > reports that 'in Britain, a lot of recent interest has been generated in "political re-branding." This phrase indicates a project that, using some of the methods developed in commercial marketing, attempts to reposition a political party within political space (to a large degree a matter of cultural space and media space)' . This approach is, at the conceptual level, a direct imitation of brand management process where companies research and implement branding strategies reflective of the expectations of the consumers (Aaker & Joachimsthaler, 2000). Needless to say, such political branding process is, in the end, intended to bring about victory of the parties during electoral processes (Lees-Marshment, 2001). However, unlike in the traditional branding process experienced in the commercial world, political marketing is prone to several other key challenges. Prominent among the challenges are sensational scrutiny of politicians personal lives, personalisation of issues and ,generally, 'tabloidic' reporting. Further, politics is a highly volatile social phenomenon and one cannot fully contextualise political marketing within the traditional frameworks associated with commercial marketing without making serious flaws (Henneberg, 2004). Consequently, political marketing(in the present context considered to incorporate advertisement and public relations ) cannot be deemed to be effective if the yardsticks used are extracted and moulded from the dynamics shaping up traditional varieties of commercial marketing (Henneberg, 2004). This scenario poses a very intriguing albeit legitimate question: is advertisement and public relations enough to re-launch a political party? . To fully conceptualise and answer this question, it is proposed that political parties are products, brands(Lees-Marshment, 2001) that must undergo some brand management processes if they are to succeed in their vision and programs. Of special interest to this essay is the Conservative Party which has not only witnessed electoral success-in 1979 under Margaret Thatcher- (Lees-Marshment, 2001) through effective political marketing but, of late, has also had it fair share of waning support from the public <guardian>

Advertising and Public Relations: A General Perspective



There is no doubt that successful marketing campaigns encompass well crafted out branding strategies that invoke positive responses from the intended consumers. Essentially, positive responses infer that consumers get the intended message, react to the message and are willing to consume a particular product time and again (Shaw & Clarke, 1998). At the end what branding attempts to achieve is the creation of a particular image, or positive impression in the minds of consumers, leading to the establishment of a productive relationship between the brand and the consumer (Low & Lamb 2000). The branding process incorporates three key activities namely advertising, marketing and public relations. Chang and Thorson (2004) explains that advertisement incorporates undertakings involving communicating with the audience with the intent of promoting a product , a service or even a personality. The underlying aim of advertisement is to establish a presence in the mind of a viewer, a reader or, at least, of the recipient and inculcate a desire to be associated with, and consume, the product or service being promoted. Ultimately, advertisement not only aims to achieve immediate marketing goals ,but also help in building brand loyalty. Of course the underlying (truthful) notion amongst marketers is that a consumer, at all times, experience a need which can be satisfied by numerous products serving the same need. Thusly, the competitive market system requires effective advertisement to succeed.

Advertising Politics ResearchPublic relations is defined as 'the actions of a corporation, store, government, individual, etc., in promoting goodwill between itself and the public, the community, employees, customers, etc.' The role of public relations cannot be underestimated- effective branding and marketing requires a dynamic injection of well crafted public relations exercise that enforces the desired message intended to be communicated by a firm or its contracted PR firm ( Kitchen 1996). Well thought of public relations campaign will not only be instrumental in engineering a firm's marketing success, but also plays an integral role in building the desirable corporate image that a firm envisages( Cutlip et al 1994 ). These two activities, to a greater extent, conglomerate and form the wider paradigm referred to as marketing - itself described as the process of comprehending and communicating consumers' value and satisfaction - for a profit, of course.

Of paramount importance in the processes of advertisement and public relations is the attempt to positively enhance a product or a service image to the minds of consumer. Strictly speaking, advertisement and public relations emerge as two key marketing activities associated with branding and their role cannot be underrated when branding a product. Hence, within the context of this essay- i.e. re-launching a political brand- once can analyse advertisement and public relations using branding within the resultant functions of the brand to the consumer. This is under the proposition that effective advertisement and public relations will ensure a successful branding strategy and the brand in question can thus play its role to the recipient. This approach has been inspired by two streams of literature. Firstly, several researchers (e.g Rio et al 2001; Moore & Lehman have argued that successful advertisement and public relations exercises are essential ingredients in any branding process. If they are executed appropriately, then chances are that effective branding will be achieved and the brand will be able to play its rightful role to the consumer.

Secondly, other researchers in the political marketing sub-discipline have opined that political parties are brands that must undergo brand management, with all appropriate techniques and tools applied to ensure that the brands are successful . Successful implementation of the branding process( including advertisements and public relations) will ensure that political parties meet their objectives and aspirations and thus can be deemed to be successful brands.

Using these two viewpoints, it is appropriate to examine what brands in general achieve, or are supposed to achieve, with the consumer. This approach, in the preceding sections, will be streamlined to focus on the Conservative party -as brand attempting to re-launch through advertisement and public relations- and examine if these two exercises are adequate in ensuring that this political brand meet its functions.

According to Kapferer (1997), a successful brand is supposed to satisfy several needs to the consumer. Firstly, it is supposed clearly identifiable, be visible and make some 'sense' to the consumer. This will make the consumer to easily and quickly identify the brand and relate with it in an immediate manner. Secondly, the brand should offer guarantee in that it will be of the same quality any time its bought or consumed. This will ensure that the consumer will be able to trust the brand all the times. Thirdly, the brand should have optimisation qualities. This means that it is the best product in its category and serves the consumer best under its category. Fourthly, the brand should enhance the development of the consumer's desirable character and image. This means that it should enhance the image the consumer wants to portray to others. The brand should also offer continuity that is it should bring about intimacy and satisfaction to the consumer even afters years of using it. The brand should also be Hedonistic. This implies that is should offer the consumer satisfaction based on its attractive packaging, its logo, its communication and other aesthetic features it possesses. The brand should also be ethical in terms of how it relates with the society on the moral-ethical front.

If a brand can meet these functions, then it is deemed to be successful. As it has been earlier observed, these functions can only be met through effective branding process incorporating effective advertisement and public relations. This leads to a key hypothesis of this essay:

H1: if advertisement and public relations are enough to re-launch a political party('the conservative party' ) then they must ensure realisation of effective branding of the party. Additionally if, the two exercises are to be deemed adequate, then, at the end, they must deliver a brand that fulfils the above discussed brand functions.

Political Parties Branding



From a more general, socially oriented perspective, political parties have mostly been defined using two pendulums of social engagement and practice i.e. power and the capacity to organise. Encyclopaedia Britannica describes political parties as 'organized groups seeking political power, whether by democratic elections or by revolution'. The world of political parties have changed dramatically especially in terms of how actors in any political party realigns their parties policies to reflect the aspirations of the electorate.( Lees-Marshment, 2001). This has seen, at least in the marketing sphere of political parties, a change in how the parties are perceived. Keller(1999), for instance advances the idea that political parties are to be perceived as brands which incessantly attempts to offer a valued brand that has values commensurate with the aspirations of the electorate. This trend has not only been witnessed in the political stage (Lees-Marshment, 2001) but also in the research field where it is has become norm to apply the theoretical concepts of marketing to the political field (see for example Niffenegger (1989).

This trend, though with challenges ( Niffenegger 1989), cannot be underestimated. The modern interplay of politics, marketing, public relations and effective communication will remain critical and decisive elements in the success of any marketing (Lees-Marshment, 2001). A particularly important case study of how effective political marketing can resonate and attract the voters is the Conservative Party under Margaret Thatcher. Scammell(1994) reports that the 'iron lady' managed to effectively introduce well a coordinated political marketing model that could resonate well with the electorate and which, in latter, years was even adopted by her opponents. The author elaborates that Thatcher managed to strike a balance between all the facets of her political marketing program with her political convictions - and was, to a large extent, successful. But political marketing is not enough guarantee of support from the electorate. Shaw(1994) shows that the Labour party failed to win the 1992 elections partly because , although it had changed its policies to reflect the aspirations of the electorate, the party was nonetheless not fully transformed from within - its activists, its procedures and even its language all played part in alienating the electorate. This was despite its efforts (in political marketing) to woo the voters. At this point it is beginning to emerge that, indeed, advertisement and political marketing might, after all, not be sufficient to re-launch a political brand. Of course this issue needs further scrutiny if a conclusive viewpoint is to be established.

To fully appreciate the extent and dimensions of political marketing and thus subject the Conservative party's attempts to re-launch itself from a more theory backed perspective, it is paramount to establish what constitutes applied political marketing, strictly from a research based viewpoint. Henneberg(2004) reports that there are six main developments of applied political marketing that have emerged in the recent times. The author also offers the main researchers associated with each development. These developments include increased levels of sophistication in political communication (Kavanagh, 1995), development of strategies for effective product and image management in the political activities(Scammell, 1995), news management (Franklin, 1994), well executed and coordinated political marketing strategy development (Butler and Collins, 1999) political market research (Huber and Herrmann, 1999) and great emphasis on political marketing , organisation and professionalisation( Lees-Marshment, 2001).

However, it is important to note that these practical foundations of applied political marketing are not necessarily visible in the practice of politics. The author notes that 'most political actors are far from having an integrated and sophisticated understanding of marketing applications for their political exchange situations.

Political marketing management in politics has caused some 'leading' parties and candidates to adopt a simplistic and populistic 'follower'-mentality, contributing to the disenchantment of the electorate and a resulting cynicism regarding politics in general' (Henneberg, 2005).

The complexity of political marketing is now emerging. This , in part, might be explained by the fact that political marketing is always interweaved with diverse ethical issues that must mix and result in negative responses from the electorate(Henneberg, 2004). Two examples adopted from the Guardian newspaper proof this. In one article titled new race row for Tories(March, 28 2007) the Guardian newspaper reports that :

"Every time. Just as David Cameron appears to have rebranded his party as a caring, huggable, liberal, centrist organisation, one of his minor councillors or MPs makes a remark which threatens to set his whole project back by decades. Earlier this month, Patrick Mercer, the then-homeland security spokesman, suggested that many ethnic-minority soldiers used allegations of racism "as cover for their misdemeanours".

In another article titled Cameron brand is failing to set the Tory grassroots on fire(September 17th , 2006), the same paper notes that :

"The David Cameron 'brand' is failing to percolate down to the grassroots of his supposedly transformed party, according to a leaked presentation to his inner circle.

............................. it reveals concerns that the Cameron revolution is not reaching the grassroots. It adds that 'problems can occur if the expectations or promises that goes with it are not met' and warns of the consequences 'if Cameron creates the right perception - but [the] grassroots [are] slow to respond'. The party is now dealing with a 'sophisticated electorate's perception of brand', the memo warns, adding that it is now 'crucial that all members of the Conservative Party and associations buy into the leader's brand in three ways: consistency of policy and political theme, consistency of visual image, consistency of customer experience"


Two key issues emerge from the two extracts. Firstly, the impression, to any casual observer, is that the conservative party leader -James Cameron- is attempting to re-brand his party- implying that the party has witnessed diminishing support from the electorate. This has been through 'consistency of policy and political theme '(see above extract), 'consistency of visual image' and 'consistency of customer experience'. Interestingly, these aspects of the party has previously been found to be the hallmarks of a successful brand(Scammell, 1995; Kapferer 1997) .

Secondly, it emerges that, despite the part leader's efforts,( incorporating advertisement and public relations) the general feeling is that the re-branding efforts have not fully yielded that desirable results. This leads to the researcher to tentatively hold the opinion that advertisement and public relations, though at times effective (Henneberg, 2004) are in themselves not enough to re-launch a political brand. Consequently, the succeeding section analysis why such marketing efforts are not without critical challenges.

A Brief Overview of the Conservative Party



According to The BBC 'the name "Conservative" was first used in 1830 although the word Tory (the Irish for "robber" or "savage") is often used as an alternative. In 1886 the Liberal Party split over the issue of Irish Home Rule and the Liberal Unionist Party was formed. This party worked in alliance with the Tories before finally being absorbed into the Conservative Party in 1912 resulting in the current party's full title of "The Conservative and Unionist Party".

Traditional conservatism stands for the monarchy, law and order and free enterprise with a minimum of state interference in business. Despite being largely a middle-class organisation it has always attracted a great deal of working-class support. The party has also enjoyed the regular backing of the land owning aristocracy and of successful businessmen.'. Reports (e.g Cameron brand is failing to set the Tory grassroots on fire(September 17th , 2006 and new race row for Tories(March, 28 2007) from the Guardian newspaper indicates that the party is attempting to re-brand itself after years of being out of the government. On reading and analysing several articles relating to the branding efforts of the conservative party to repackage itself, it becomes clear that these efforts, while being political and social in nature, are all geared towards ensuring that the party is able to meet certain roles associated with successful brands . This, ultimately, leads to success during the voting periods. Reeves (2004) reports that 'The British Election Study (BES) (2001) confirms the importance of functional variables, in that 65.8% of respondents felt that the political brand that offered the best policies was the core driver of voter choice. This view is well established in the broader political marketing literature, which tends to define functional benefits as simply political issues'.

Re-Launching The Party: Can Advertisement And Public Relations Help?

Of paramount importance to this essays is an article appearing on the Guardian newspaper titled 'David's brain' transforms Tory brand' (September 2nd , 2006). The articles addresses how a 'marketing guru' - Steve Hilton might 'put his leader in Downing Street' through transforming the Tory brand . The article's contents, though not fully comprehensive in expounding on how Hilton has transformed, or at least helped to transform the Conservative Party's image, will be scrutinised against political marketing theories earlier on provided with a view of establishing how Hilton's efforts are adequate in transforming the party's brand .

The article notes that Hilton's capabilities lies in 'his ability to make friends across the divides, his belief that the Tories were rapidly becoming irrelevant - and, detractors say, his lack of real political belief' . Political marketing, in a large way, deals with people and of fundamental importance in this genre of marketing is the ability to undertake a broad based, inclusive marketing strategy that is inclusive and geared towards appealing to the target audiences, no matter their opinions political (Butler and Collins, 1999). Arguably, Hilton's traits and capabilities come in handy- that he can make friendship across the divide is not only an asset in political marketing but also a ingenuous way of ensuring that a political brand appeals to all people regardless of their political convictions (Lees-Marshment, 2001) . With such an open approach devoid of rigid political convictions, it becomes inevitable that marketers of a particular political brand are able to positively reinforce their image to the electorate (Olins, 1995) . This is through effective PR .

Another positive attribute of Hilton's beliefs is that 'socially responsible businesses can do better than the state's bureaucracy' and no doubt that he has used the same perception to re-launch the Tory brand. This all boils down to development of effective strategies for effective product and image management, whereby a political party, as a brand, is bound to achieve even greater success, if , to the minds of the public, the brand handlers hold opinions that rhyme with the general opinion of the public( Scammell, 1995) more so in this era where social concerns from members of the public play an important role in shaping up their political convictions and , ultimately, their choice of the party to support (Scammell, 1995). It would appear that the Tories have really taken the brand image concept with the seriousness that it deserves. In an article titled Project Africa: Tories' drive to re-brand party(19/03/2007) , the Sunday Telegraph writes that :

"Up to 50 Tory MPs will visit Rwanda in July as part of a "social responsibility" initiative during which they will sleep in mud huts and carry out manual labour.

Others have already been involved in British anti-poverty projects, including working at homeless hostels and in drug and alcohol addiction centres. Earlier this month, Oliver Letwin, the Conservative policy chief, spent a week working at Belmarsh jail in London.

In a further attempt to lose the "nasty party" label, all prospective election candidates have been told by Tory headquarters that they must undertake "social action" projects in their constituencies, such as renovating a community centre or church hall"


All these efforts appear to be carefully crafted out PR and advertisements campaigns meant to change the perception of the party in the minds of the public. However, effective political advertisement and public relations campaigns must include well undertaken market research, with the perceptions of the public being incorporated in the branding efforts (Huber and Herrmann, 1999). On this, Hilton appears to an asset as his strength is described as originating from his ' message development, what things turn people off and on. He is also very good at presentation'. It is assumed that message development in the Conservative Party is based on concrete research as this is paramount in effective delivery of appropriate communication to the electorate (Huber &Herrmann, 1999). It also reported that 'Hilton believed the problem was not Tory policies, but the Tory brand'. This is important when considered from two related perspectives. Firstly, how a brand is perceived by the consumers is all that matters in deciding whether the brand will be successful or not (de Chernatony 1998). As Hilton opined, what matters is how people perceive the conservative party as a brand, and not its policies. This rhyme well with political brand image management theories of Scammell (1995) where effective strategies aimed at ensuring that the desirable political party image is accessible to members of the public is one important feature of a successful political brand. All these brand management efforts must, in the end, be channelled using appropriate communication skills( Franklin, 1994). Hilton is critically aware of this. He is quoted in the same article as saying that 'you can't just sell politicians like washing powder ... It's messages that matter, not the medium'. This is the hallmark of political communication- no matter the content of the message, it must be communicated in ways that are geared towards ensuring that the audience get the intended message, in the appropriate social and linguistic etiquette and such communication must not alienate segments of the electorate (Franklin, 1994).

However, it is important to note that political branding must not be perceived by the electorate as mere gimmicks meant to hoodwink and deceive.( Katz et al 1994). In fact, good branding management processes recognises the role of effective communication, with the appropriate, well trained staff mandated with the responsibilities of corporate communications (O'Cass & Frost, 2002). In political marketing, this boils down to who is responsible for communicating the values of a brand to the audience. The conservatives are aware of this . A memo from this said article explains that :

"For those who do not understand the point of branding - an obssession within the Cameron inner circle and particularly with his chief adviser, Steve Hilton - the presentation uses an analogy of sexual prowess: 'You're at a party and see an attractive person across the room. You go over and say, "Hi, I'm fantastic in bed" - that's known as direct marketing... You're at a party and see an attractive person across the room, they walk over to you and say "Hi, I hear you're fantastic in bed" - that's known as branding.' In other words, voters should hear about Cameron's virtues from people other than him."

All these efforts by the conservative party can either be perceived as advertisement or public relations exercises meant to make the party more appealing to the members of the public. Once can rightly argue that these measures have at least tried- or a geared towards meeting the qualities of a successful brand as spelt out by Kapferer (1997) i.e. Identification of the CP with social issues, CP making 'sense' to the public, guaranteeing of performance and ethical issues(like visiting and aiding Africa) .Have they been effective in transforming the Tory brand ? to answer this question it is important to briefly discuss what brand management process entails . According to Urde(1999) brand building involves concerted efforts where all efforts and all the people involved work in a coordinated style, guided by the same mission of ensuring that the brand in question is developed based on the aspirations of the consumer. The key issue here is that all departments and staff work towards fulfilling the needs of the consumer .

However, a look at the Conservative Party reveals a different picture which proofs that advertisement and public relations cannot be enough to re-launch a party. Of course, according to the articles examined, it is obvious that the party might have achieved some success in their attempts to re-launch the party but several drawbacks are evident.

Firstly, it appears that the re-branding efforts are not concerted. In the article previously, quoted it is observed that when attempts by James Cameron attempts to re-launch the party 'one of his minor councillors or MPs makes a remark which threatens to set his whole project back by decades. This clearly shows that all the party members are not really passionate about reviving the party. Further, it is a proof that advertisement and public relations, if not supported by all the concerned persons, will not be successful and achieve the intended objectives. The inadequacy with advertisement and public relations campaigns is further exemplified by these extracts adopted from the article Cameron brand is failing to set the Tory grassroots on fire:

A 'cold-calling' survey, in which party workers emailed local constituencies pretending to be members of the public interested in joining, found that only a third even got a response after the first attempt.

And

.......and warns of problems ahead if the notoriously stuffy constituency clubs across the country fail to live up to the image of their new leader.

These extracts clearly show a party which, though trying to advertise itself and trying to deploy effective PR measures, lacks a coordinated approach coupled with lack of commitment by party members across the entire hierarchy. The first extract confirms that grassroots officials are not dedicated to brand building. The second extract shows officials who are not living to the image of their leader.

Accordingly, it is concluded that whilst advertisement and PR are essential tools for re-launching a political brand, commitment and appropriate conduct by party members is crucial in giving a political brand a new lease of life. Without commitment from all the stakeholders, then PR and advertisements will not be adequate to re-launch a political brand.

Conclusion

This essay has achieved several objectives. Firstly, it has examined the concept of marketing, and specifically advertisement and public relations from a general perspective to aid in conceptualisation of the subject matter. The essay has then narrowed down and examined political advertisement and several research works informing this sub discipline have been provided and then used to study a particular situation - The conservative party attempts to re-launch itself . Using various research works, it has been proven that advertisement and public relations, though essential, aren't enough to re-launch a political brand.

To summarise, the researcher finds it appropriate to conclude that political branding is a multi-faceted task that requires coordination and support of all the concerned parties, especially when building a brand image. Advertisement and public relations, the author opines, are just but some of the basic ingredients required in the process of building a successful political brand. Commitment by all members is, well, mandatory if parties such as the Cameron's Conservative Party are stop attracting such headlines as 'Cameron brand is failing to set the Tory grassroots on fire'. Definitely, that's not the most appealing headline for a party trying to re-launch itself.

***********************************************

References

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KAPFERER, JEAN -NOEL (1997), Strategic Brand Management, Great Britain, Kogan Page.

Katz, Richard S. & Peter Mair. (eds) 1994. How Parties Organise: Change and Adaptation in Party Organisations in Western Democracies. Sage

Kavanagh, D. (1995) Election Campaigning: The New Marketing of Politics, Blackwell, Oxford

Keller, Kevin, L. (1999). Brand Mantras: Rationale, Criteria and Examples. Journal of Marketing Management, 15 (1-3), 43 - 51.

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SECOND ESSAY(2.1)

The Efficacy of Advertisement and Public Relations in Rejuvenating a Political Brand



Executive summary

Of late, UK's Conservative party has engaged itself in series of advertisement and public relations campaigns to endear itself to the public. This essay addresses the issue with special references to the available theories on political marketing. A hypothetical case of 'Tony Cameron' is provided to offer more insightful perspectives on the issue.

Findings shows that whilst advertisement and public relations campaigns can rejuvenate a political brand, they must be backed by strong marketing intelligence reports if they are to be productive

Table of Contents
Content Page
Advertisement and Public Relations in Politics ...............................................4
Political marketing in UK .......................................................................8
A framework for Political branding ...........................................................10
Political brand as an evolving entity ...........................................................10
Political brand as a functional device ...........................................................11
Political brand as a source of differentiation ...................................................11
Political brand as a social device ................................................................13
Political Brands as a Self Concept Device .....................................................13
Political brand as a relationship builder ........................................................14
The Conservative Party advertisement and public relations program ......................16
Tony Cameron: a disgruntled, former Conservative party supporter .......................17
Political brand dimensions Vs Conservative party's efforts to re-launch....................19
Tony....................................................................... ............................21
Conclusions ........................................................................... ...............22
References................................................................. ..........................23

Advertisement and Public Relations in Politics

Advertisement and public relations play an important role in ensuring that consumers receive and interpret crucial information relating to brands that they consume (Gardner & Levy 1955). Researchers in the marketing discipline have always stressed the need for branding strategies, product re-launch, product positioning , brand values and rejuvenation to be undertaken in a collaborative manner, with emphasis on how these marketing efforts are supported by facilitative advertisement programs and public relations being given prominence (Reynolds & Gutman 1984). Advertisement and public relations exercises, in their most bare essence, communicate to the audience particular information and values relating to the products or services being marketed (Leahy 1994). Moreover, advertisement and public relations strategies practices determine the final image of a brand that is perceived by the different segments of a given market (Kapferer 1997). To the end consumer, brand image is a subjective reality given shape by socialisation processes, personal values and cultural and economic contexts which, in an intricate manner, determines the consumer's perception and consumption of that brand.( Onkvisit & Shaw, 1989). Consequently, for a brand to be potentially success in the market, it must possess an image matrix that is identical to the consumer's idea of self image (Sirgy & Samli,1985). The influential power of brand image has, therefore, been one of the greatest pillar of modern marketing, with most of the branding efforts attempting to distinguish and differentiate a particular brand from others, and create an appealing, distinguishable image around that brand( Aaker, 1991). In the end, marketers are driven by the desire to instil certain values and images about a particular brand in the minds of consumers, the rationale being that the consumer, on coming into contact with a brand, will retrieve positive attributes about it from the internal memory ( Anderson ,1983) thusly recalling the intended meaning of the brand(Maclnnis et. al., 1991).

A political brand- in terms of its relationship with its 'consumers' -, in modern times, follows the same conceptual pattern: people(or electorate) seeks a brand(Party, or even and individual) that(or who) meets, or possesses , or nearly matches their aspirations, values, self images and expectations( Popkin, 1994). As a brand therefore, a political party needs to constantly advertise itself to the public, as constant advertisements have been linked to reinforcement of brands' images and success in the market (Assael, 1998) and this is especially important in modern politics where the public has shed off ideological convictions and adopted a consumerist approach to politics (Davidson 1992). Apart from market driven political advertisements, it follows naturally that a political party, as a brand must possess good public relations with the consumers if it is to amass support (Ehrenberg 1991). This prerequisite is not only confined in the political stage, but is also the basis of effective branding and a requirement for any successful brand (Macrae, 1999).

Commercial markets are very dynamic and brands, at different points in times, perform differently in terms of how they are received by the consumers. A brand can suffer rejection or diminished enthusiasm from different market segments and good marketers appreciate brand rejuvenation as an inevitable remedy for such poorly performing brands (Park et al., 1986). Similarly political parties, as brands, witness fluctuating levels of support, depending on the prevailing public mood, party policies and leadership competencies and other social swings (Hinich & Munger, 1997). Here in the UK, the Conservative Party has experienced declining public support that has reduced its prospects of getting back political power. Reeves et al (2003) writes that 'the electorate generally perceive the Conservative Party as not being relevant to contemporary British society, as some would argue its policies are outdated based on the Thatcher legacy of the 1980s. In addition, the party itself is not currently perceived as being representative in terms of gender, age, and ethnicity of the British public. The Conservative Party recognises this, and is attempting to undergo a re-branding or 'modernisation' programme to become relevant and valued by voters'.

To comprehend political parties as brands with functional attributes, one must first understand the ideological platforms that enable sprouting of political organisations and beliefs. Political science theorists( like Besley & Coate 1997) agree that modern forms of governments and power structures require organised podiums for articulation and implementation of social and economic agendas and these platforms are, in most functioning democracies, political parties. Political parties manifest the unity of ideology, and the mirror that reflects the expectation of the masses( Davidson 1992). Without a concrete relationship between a political party's policies and the general public mood, odds are that such a party is likely to suffer backlash from the public and this is mainly manifested during voting (Reeves et al 2003) . When a brand poorly performs in the market, it is important that rejuvenation strategies, involving various strategies of reviving the brand, are undertaken (Bhat, et al 1998). This happens not only in commercial marketing but in political marketing as well. A good example of a political brand requiring rejuvenation is the Conservative party. Reeves et al (2003) writes that 'Indeed it can be advanced that the position of the Conservative brand mirrors the evolution of the Labour Party in the mid 1990s, which needed to rejuvenate itself as New Labour in order to re-become a successful political entity'.

Two approaches in rejuvenating political parities are identified: advertisement and public relations( Aldrich, et al 1996). The two approaches are deemed to be successful if they can communicate a party's agenda, manifesto and policies to the electorate and the latter appreciates and is positively impacted on by the message (Popkin, 1994). This is concisely what branding is all about: 'branding is about communicating a message that is rooted in emotion. Every successful brand has some kind of emotional appeal. Emotion is the human element that gets our attention '. How advertisement and public relations in politics can enhance rejuvenation of a political brand is an issue that requires a multidisciplinary, creative approach if objective conclusions are to be made. This is brought about by how politics and political parties are constituted relative to the present conditionings and moods of the electorate (Giddens 1998).

This essay meets its objectives of assessing the efficacy of advertisement and public relations in rejuvenating a political brand by adopting several interrelated approaches. Firstly, UK political marketing practices are examined and important viewpoints influencing how political parties position themselves are noted. Secondly, a framework for branding a political party is adopted and used to project what successful branding of a political brand is all about. Thirdly, a hypothetical individual 'Tony Cameron' is introduced and cast as a dissatisfied and disoriented consumer of political brands. 'Tony' is projected as an ideal consumer of a political brand, and using brand theories, his expectations as a potential consumer of the conservative party are noted. Newspaper reports are also used to examine the advertisement and public relations activities that are being used by the Conservative Party in its efforts to rejuvenate itself. Finally, advertisement and PR activities of the conservative party are audited against the branding framework adopted, and against 'Tony' thereby enabling generation of a perspective that addresses the effectiveness of the two rejuvenation activities.

Political marketing in UK

Political parties in the UK have lately been characterised by attempts to engage in serious market research, discover voters' wishes and packaging themselves as entities that reflect the feelings of the electorate on the ground (Harris & Lock, 2001). This has inevitably converted them to brands that are all too willing to constantly metamorphose, remain relevant and win crucial public support (Harris & Lock, 2001). The parties have adopted a marketing mentality and their support seeking missions are deeply ingrained with the principals and practices evident in modern marketing fields (Popkin,1994) . Lees-Marshment(2001) writes that ' major British parties are applying not just the techniques of marketing, but its concepts. They appear to be determining their policies to suit voters' concerns (using findings from survey research and focus groups), rather than basing them on ideological considerations. Thus, they are attempting to become what in business terms is called 'market-oriented' and designing their 'product' to suit consumer demands. This would imply a new role for political parties, one at odds with the traditional role assumed by the standard literature'. This has essentially made political parties to use voters' aspirations to shape their own agendas- in other words they have become what is labelled 'Market oriented parties' . The author further observes that 'A 'Market-Oriented Party' (MOP) is one which seeks to determine its entire behaviour in order to provide voter satisfaction and in doing so satisfy its own goals. A Market-Oriented Party is not concerned with changing people's minds, but in following them.' Arguably, recent trends in political marketing has seen political parties engaging in branding processes with the overall objective being to transform the parties into brands that have images corresponding to the desires of the citizenly. This concept is similar to the traditional branding processes whereby the aim is to create an image of a brand that can appeal to potential consumers (Onkvisit & Shaw, 1989). Nevertheless, it is important to note that traditional branding practices might not be fully compatible with political branding as the latter is more socially oriented , requiring different styles of branding approaches. (Popkin, 1994). The next section examines a model that treats political parties as brands. The recommended features of the political brand are essential in ensuring that a political brand is successful ; since political marketing is a wide field incorporating many styles of branding and rejuvenation (Livingston 1981) this model will form the basis for assessing the effectiveness of advertisement and public relations in the revival efforts of the Conservative party .

A framework for Political branding

Reeves et al(2003) writes that 'With the growing interest in political parties behaving as though they are brands, this paper critically analyses the extent to which voter choice can be conceptualized as akin to consumer brand choice' . this perception conforms well with other researchers who have began perceiving political parties as brands akin to the traditional, commercial brands found in the modern market . According to Reeves, a political party as brands has six dimensions namely as an evolving entity, as a functional device, as source of differentiation, as a social device as a self concept device, and relationship builder.

Political brand as an evolving entity

As an evolving entity, a political brand is generated to offer certain values that should be aligned with the changing expectations of the electorate. He writes that 'a key rationale for the formation of a political party is to offer a credible and valued brand offering which aligns with the evolving nature of the electorate. As such it is important to understand that voter choice evolves in line with the changing social and economic characteristics of the nation' . Expectedly, branding of political parties should largely draw from what the public want. The branding process, just like in the commercial branding, is thus a variable that draws its values from the market and incorporates them to enhance acceptability and success (Vigneron et al. 1999).

Political brand as a functional device

As a functional device, a political brand becomes a unit of fulfilling demands and expectations of the citizenry. These demands and expectations include appealing policies, and the performance of the party once in power. Reeves et al (2003) writes that 'one component of political brands is functional benefits, which can be conceptualised as the policies and programmes a particular political brand promises to enact if elected. These values are practical, and are concerned with what is offered to the electorate, as well as the overall level of perceived performance, and quality of the brand'. In commercial branding, a brand can be viewed as a functional concept that satisfies a particular need (Park et al., 1986) . If the brand is able to effectively fulfil its functional objectives, then it is deemed appropriate by the consumers (Park et al., 1986) and similarly a political brand must be functionally helpful to the electorate if it is to achieve success (Reeves et al 2003). This all boils down to how the politicians act and conduct their affairs, in respect to the promises they made to the electorate. (Lees-Marshment 2001)

Political brand as a source of differentiation

Political brand as a source of differentiation addresses how a political brand needs to distinguish itself from the competitors if it is to attract support. Reeves et al(2003) further writes that 'Consumer brand theory argues that for a brand to be successful it needs to be perceived by consumers as being different from competitors' brands. The brand therefore need.

The complete second essay is this: The Efficacy of Advertisement and Public Relations in Rejuvenating a Political Brand

Executive summary

Of late, UK's Conservative party has engaged itself in series of advertisement and public relations campaigns to endear itself to the public. This essay addresses the issue with special references to the available theories on political marketing. A hypothetical case of 'Tony Cameron' is provided to offer more insightful perspectives on the issue.

Findings shows that whilst advertisement and public relations campaigns can rejuvenate a political brand, they must be backed by strong marketing intelligence reports if they are to be productive

Table of Contents
Content Page
Advertisement and Public Relations in Politics ...............................................4
Political marketing in UK .......................................................................8
A framework for Political branding ...........................................................10
Political brand as an evolving entity ...........................................................10
Political brand as a functional device ...........................................................11
Political brand as a source of differentiation ...................................................11
Political brand as a social device ................................................................13
Political Brands as a Self Concept Device .....................................................13
Political brand as a relationship builder ........................................................14
The Conservative Party advertisement and public relations program ......................16
Tony Cameron: a disgruntled, former Conservative party supporter .......................17
Political brand dimensions Vs Conservative party's efforts to re-launch....................19
Tony....................................................................... ............................21
Conclusions ........................................................................... ...............22
References................................................................. ..........................23

Advertisement and Public Relations in Politics

Advertisement and public relations play an important role in ensuring that consumers receive and interpret crucial information relating to brands that they consume (Gardner & Levy 1955). Researchers in the marketing discipline have always stressed the need for branding strategies, product re-launch, product positioning , brand values and rejuvenation to be undertaken in a collaborative manner, with emphasis on how these marketing efforts are supported by facilitative advertisement programs and public relations being given prominence (Reynolds & Gutman 1984). Advertisement and public relations exercises, in their most bare essence, communicate to the audience particular information and values relating to the products or services being marketed (Leahy 1994). Moreover, advertisement and public relations strategies practices determine the final image of a brand that is perceived by the different segments of a given market (Kapferer 1997). To the end consumer, brand image is a subjective reality given shape by socialisation processes, personal values and cultural and economic contexts which, in an intricate manner, determines the consumer's perception and consumption of that brand.( Onkvisit & Shaw, 1989). Consequently, for a brand to be potentially success in the market, it must possess an image matrix that is identical to the consumer's idea of self image (Sirgy & Samli,1985). The influential power of brand image has, therefore, been one of the greatest pillar of modern marketing, with most of the branding efforts attempting to distinguish and differentiate a particular brand from others, and create an appealing, distinguishable image around that brand( Aaker, 1991). In the end, marketers are driven by the desire to instil certain values and images about a particular brand in the minds of consumers, the rationale being that the consumer, on coming into contact with a brand, will retrieve positive attributes about it from the internal memory ( Anderson ,1983) thusly recalling the intended meaning of the brand(Maclnnis et. al., 1991).

A political brand- in terms of its relationship with its 'consumers' -, in modern times, follows the same conceptual pattern: people(or electorate) seeks a brand(Party, or even and individual) that(or who) meets, or possesses , or nearly matches their aspirations, values, self images and expectations( Popkin, 1994). As a brand therefore, a political party needs to constantly advertise itself to the public, as constant advertisements have been linked to reinforcement of brands' images and success in the market (Assael, 1998) and this is especially important in modern politics where the public has shed off ideological convictions and adopted a consumerist approach to politics (Davidson 1992). Apart from market driven political advertisements, it follows naturally that a political party, as a brand must possess good public relations with the consumers if it is to amass support (Ehrenberg 1991). This prerequisite is not only confined in the political stage, but is also the basis of effective branding and a requirement for any successful brand (Macrae, 1999).

Commercial markets are very dynamic and brands, at different points in times, perform differently in terms of how they are received by the consumers. A brand can suffer rejection or diminished enthusiasm from different market segments and good marketers appreciate brand rejuvenation as an inevitable remedy for such poorly performing brands (Park et al., 1986). Similarly political parties, as brands, witness fluctuating levels of support, depending on the prevailing public mood, party policies and leadership competencies and other social swings (Hinich & Munger, 1997). Here in the UK, the Conservative Party has experienced declining public support that has reduced its prospects of getting back political power. Reeves et al (2003) writes that 'the electorate generally perceive the Conservative Party as not being relevant to contemporary British society, as some would argue its policies are outdated based on the Thatcher legacy of the 1980s. In addition, the party itself is not currently perceived as being representative in terms of gender, age, and ethnicity of the British public. The Conservative Party recognises this, and is attempting to undergo a re-branding or 'modernisation' programme to become relevant and valued by voters'.

To comprehend political parties as brands with functional attributes, one must first understand the ideological platforms that enable sprouting of political organisations and beliefs. Political science theorists( like Besley & Coate 1997) agree that modern forms of governments and power structures require organised podiums for articulation and implementation of social and economic agendas and these platforms are, in most functioning democracies, political parties. Political parties manifest the unity of ideology, and the mirror that reflects the expectation of the masses( Davidson 1992).
the_devill  - | 10  
Sep 22, 2010 | #2
What a waste of such good writing :(
VeronicaM  6 | 34  
Nov 02, 2010 | #3
This is very well-written.
FreelanceWriter  6 | 3089   ☆☆☆   Freelance Writer
Nov 05, 2010 | #4
Why would you ever complete an essay (let alone 2 of them), much less actually send them to the customer before being paid in full? Someone has to take the risk and rely on trustworthiness (especially on the first transaction) and at least writers can provide samples and references from satisfied clients and let prospective clients Google their information; there's no comparable way of trying to check out a client's record of honesty and good faith.

I don't even schedule work on my calendar until it's paid in full. If other prepaid work happens to come in before it's paid, I never turn it down waiting for payment on other inquiries. Customers sometimes say they want work and then just email later saying that they changed their minds or chose a different writer or company. That's fine, but that's exactly why I have a very strict prepayment/scheduling policy ever since the first (and last) time that I ever passed up on another assignment because I'd already blocked off that time based on a verbal agreement after which the customer subsequently changed his mind at the last minute before issuing prepayment.

Also, could someone explain to Americans how the British "standards" system works? I always thought it was just a reference to grades after the fact. Apparently, that's not the case based on your post. What are the respective criteria for the different standards? It's obvious to me that some of my clients are British based on their spelling but they never specify any specific standards.
jwolfe2  5 | 63  
Nov 05, 2010 | #5
um...uk business writer, i have a few essays i need written. i need you to write them and send me the essays ahead of time, and then i will look them over and pay you 1-2 weeks later. please get in touch.
WRT  16 | 1656 ☆☆   Company Representative
Nov 06, 2010 | #6
It is different, FW. I'll send you some material which explains it all. Give me a day.
pheelyks  
Nov 06, 2010 | #7
I had a teacher who had recently arrived from the UK during my last year in school here in the states, for a class in the arts that was by its nature somewhat subjective; there was always room to improve. She gave everyone Cs and Ds on the midterm (not a test, but the production of a certain artwork--that is, it was not merely a question of knowing or not knowing something, but of creating something) and was shocked when many of us protested. Apparently in the UK, anything above a 75% is considered really good work, and she thought she was being generous giving no grade lower than a 60%. She corrected this by finals, or all of our GPAs would have been royally screwed (no pun intended), but there is definitely a difference.

As to how the 2:2, 2:1, and other specific standards work, I don't really know, but their whole perspective on grades is radically different from our own.
WRT  16 | 1656 ☆☆   Company Representative
Nov 06, 2010 | #8
75% is considered really good work

More than very good - considered a First in the majority of universities :) Difficult to come by.

Distinction - 85%-100% is extremely difficult to come by.
jimraynor  - | 11   Student
Dec 05, 2010 | #9
Where do you live now uk business writer ?
If they scam and you know the tutor email just warning them that you will sent it to the tutor.
Or just up load those work in internet and they will bust.
Btw if you live in London, id like to meet you and ask for help for my essay. Sure ill pay for your hardworking.
kkkent  - | 1  
Jan 02, 2011 | #10
That is ridiculous they didnt pay, really good work! Do or could you write/help a Physical Education diss?
HarvardWriter  - | 6  
Jan 23, 2011 | #11
Yes, agree that the UK and US standards are very different, but good work is good work and both are recognised in the same way... it is only the numerical value of the mark that is different. When I was studying in the USA, there was a lot of talk about "grade inflation" so that is something to consider...
AAPROPOSAL  - | 8  
Jan 24, 2011 | #12
Do you write for phd proposal?
May 13, 2011 | #13
uk writer do you have free sample papers on financial crises within UK banks? thank you
pheelyks  
May 13, 2011 | #14
No private writers are going to provide you with free sample papers on a specific topic. We all have samples of our previous work that you can see, but a) the odds that we have written on your specific topic are slim (this topic is broad enough that it's actually possible, but my guess is you have more details you want to see in your "sample") and b) we have no interest in providing you with free work that someone else had to pay for.

You're also reaching out to a guy with 4 posts that hasn't been here since January. Good luck all around.
Lazy Skeptic  6 | 42   Student
May 13, 2011 | #15
It's obvious to me that some of my clients are British based on their spelling but they never specify any specific standards.

40% to 49% = D = 3rd
50& to 59% = C = 2.2
60% to 69% = B = 2.1
70% to 79% = A = 1st

Below 40% is a fail.
MeoKhan  10 | 1357   ☆☆   Freelance Writer
May 13, 2011 | #16
It seems to me to be the "grade criterion". Do you not have the GPA system over there?
essay business  - | 2  
Jun 20, 2011 | #17
uk business writer......i find you can do go essays....instead of pasting them here i will be buying them if they dont pay at $5 per page.

thank you and get back!
good student  1 | 2   Student
Nov 15, 2011 | #18
i am suprised. I had a case where a writer completed my dissertation and i didnt pay because my job got lost. I had turned in the paper. The writer now threatens me . I TOLD him i will pay in march next year.

ukbuswriter, how is it that you took that action for the two student? Did they try to explain?
i am worried.........why arent writers understanding.
pheelyks  
Nov 15, 2011 | #19
why arent writers understanding.

Because fu*- you, that's why. You expect your writer to wait until March for payment on work they've already completed? Would you do that? What if your school took your tuition money and then said, "we don't actually have a spot for you now, but we swear we'll have on in March, just chill out"? You'd probably be a little pissed off.
ineedawriter  1 | 20   Student
Nov 25, 2011 | #20
hi uk business writer,

can you please get back to me? need you to hlp me write my essays....specify uk degree standard...

looking forward in working with you.
queen sheba  53 | 648 ☆☆   Observer
Feb 09, 2012 | #21
Clearly, those students DID SUBMIT their essays for grading. Good that they were busted. Now, where the hell is this ****** WB????. Can her arguments that students don't submit their works as their own stand?

Just check that against what i said here https://essayscam.org/forum/gt/queen-sheba-writersbeware-dismantling-american-3041/
i guess those two students were Americans.
WB?
Once more, i win an argument by submitting verifiable facts, not resorting to meaningless hypothesis like WB
WritersBeware  
Feb 09, 2012 | #22
Can her arguments that students don't submit their works as their own stand?

Hey, too bad I never stated any such thing, hah? F?*king idiot . . . .

I have submitted the only verifiable facts in the form of Federal lawsuit documents. You have posted message board hearsay.
queen sheba  53 | 648 ☆☆   Observer
Feb 09, 2012 | #23
Look, clueless chump.
The guy up there completed TWO essay for TWO students and the TWO student did submit them as their own.
Mathematically, 2/2*100= 100%
The conclusion is simple 100% of the students who buy essays turn them in as their own.
i am willing to offer you mathematics 101, vacuous nincompoop.
WritersBeware  
Feb 09, 2012 | #24
Do you understand what "hearsay" means? Clearly, you don't. Regardless, allow me to play devil's advocate by accepting that your "evidence" carries as much weight as my Federal lawsuit evidence and acknowledge that 2 students bought papers and 2 students cheated. I must then refer to your previous posts in which you claim that my Federal lawsuit evidence consisting of 8 students (only 1 of whom cheated) does not constitute a sufficient sample size. So, in which way would you like to lose this debate? You choose.
queen sheba  53 | 648 ☆☆   Observer
Feb 10, 2012 | #25
ha ha ha ha ha.....let me tell you something about statistics that you don't know about: Some small samples carry MUCH MORE WEIGHT and credibility than bigger samples. Look: i assume the guy was defrauded around 2010 implying that my data is more credible as it is the latest. Your data was too old to support formulation of any credible opinion/conclusions.

We rely on the LATEST data to form opinions.
So, are you ready to lose this debate?. And in what way?.

I have provided credible and irrefutable evidence to support my assertions and i hope from this moment on, all members will consider all opinions i formulate to be based on factual information. Still, i don't have all the time to present evidence to support my arguments especially when the opinions i formulate are too obvious as to necessitate the exclusion of supportive data.

After all, i am an 'insider' in the academic field
WritersBeware  
Feb 10, 2012 | #26
Contradict yourself much, idiot?

Your data was too old to support formulation of any credible opinion/conclusions

Sorry, but we're not dealing with plasma televisions. We're dealing with cheating, which has been a part of human society since the dawn of human existence. Students' inclination to cheat has NOTHING to do with time, let alone a difference of only 15 years.
queen sheba  53 | 648 ☆☆   Observer
Feb 11, 2012 | #27
Contradict yourself much, idiot?

i don't contradict myself. i HAVE simply presented impregnable evidence to support my claim that students buy essays and turn them in as their own. Look, i pulled you over with all your deceit and twisting of facts.

Sorry, but we're not dealing with plasma televisions. We're dealing with cheating, which has been a part of human society since the dawn of human existence. Students' inclination to cheat has NOTHING to do with time, let alone a difference of only 15 years.

How fallacious, how blind, how stupefying can you get, moron. The advent of Internet Technologies enabled and facilitated essay cheating in a scale that has never been seen before. Internet penetrations in US in 1995 were much lower than in 2010 and, consequently, students who would have opted to cheat in 1995 had significantly lower opportunities of doing that, as they lacked direct and reliable contacts with essay mill owners. 2010 presents a vastly different scenario and i can safely predict that over 99% of students in US have access to fast and reliable Internet connections. Needless to say, the number of students likely to cheat will increase significantly.

As my data proves, the percentage of students who buy essays and submit them as their own has increased exponentially, causing great concerns to those involved- like me, for example.

If you can open up your mind, i can help you a lot, simpleton.
cee2k12  - | 3   Student
Feb 21, 2012 | #28
Sorry to hear about this buddy, the work you did (from the little I actually read) seems very well written.
queen sheba  53 | 648 ☆☆   Observer
Mar 10, 2012 | #29
WB, i am now done debating with you. Anytime i provide strong and IRREFUTABLE arguments, you simply disappear. So can you substantiate my quoted post up here. In fact, i am going to go through all threads where we've disagreed and prove to members here that you simply chicken away when i mercilessly point out your errors.

i mean, if you find my arguments too strong, simply tell me beforehand and i will sympathize with you and move on;
WritersBeware  
Mar 10, 2012 | #30
Sorry, but I'm not going to waste my time responding to your baseless drivel. When you start quoting reputable sources that support your "verifiable facts," I'll deem it worthwhile to tear you apart. Until then, enjoy your psychotic ramblings of made-up "facts."
pheelyks  
Mar 10, 2012 | #31
As my data proves

What data?
MeoKhan  10 | 1357   ☆☆   Freelance Writer
Mar 10, 2012 | #32
The data she has in her mind.
Question007  1 | 4  
Mar 11, 2012 | #33
UK business writer, how can I get in touch with you?
queen sheba  53 | 648 ☆☆   Observer
Mar 13, 2012 | #34
What data?

Ok, i get it. So when WB posts irrelevant information that we never know the source, that is 'data' but when i prove my arguments, i am boxing air. I get it and don't expect i will be soft on you.
pheelyks  
Mar 13, 2012 | #35
So when WB posts irrelevant information that we never know the source

Anytime I have asked WB for a source, she has provided it. Many of her claims are also easily backed up by checking the websites she exposes. She also doesn't tend to make outrageous claims of having conducted exhaustive statistical analyses of others' posts or to have secretly spoken with many consumers who are too scared to come forward here, like you have.

but when i prove my arguments

When you prove your arguments, we'll talk about how successful you were. Until then, we keep waiting for you to simply support your arguments, let alone prove them.
distressed student  - | 1   Student
Oct 08, 2012 | #36
Uk Business writer, i sense you are a good writer. Please contact me asap and for sure i wont fail you.
Thanks
andywoods57  1 | 86   Freelance Writer
Oct 08, 2012 | #37
Payment after delivery of assignment always lead to this particular situation.
charlz  - | 17   Freelance Writer
Oct 15, 2012 | #38
I have always been opposed to the idea of payment after delivery, at least not of the entire amount, there is need for all the transacting parties to demonstrate commitment and honesty. The customer must pay a significant amount before work is started, on the other hand, the writer must honor his promise to complete the work. This way, we avoid these situations, sorry buddy, but i am sure you are a lot more wiser now.
JohnsMom  - | 266  
Oct 15, 2012 | #39
Using a reputable and transparent payment processor gives everyone all the protection they should need.
Trustyourself  1 | 16   Student
Oct 23, 2012 | #40
hi, UK business writer, how can I get in touch with you?

I am a student in UK, just be cheated or tricked by a US writing company, I need a good writer for long time business




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